The Emissary Who Forgot to Bow: On Erasmus, Wells, and the Delusion of Universal Reason

12โ€“19 minutes

I was having an inappropriate chat with ChatGPT and, per Feyerabend, I once again discovered that some of the best inspirations are unplanned. The conversation circled around to the conflicting narratives of Erasmus and Wells. Enter, Plato, McGilchrist, and the Enlightenment โ€“ all living rent-free in my head โ€“ and I end up with this.

Audio: NotebookLM podcast on this topic.

I. The Proverb and Its Presumption

Erasmus sits at his writing desk in 1500-something, cheerful as a man who has never once questioned the premises of his own eyesight, and pens what will become one of the Westโ€™s most durable little myths: โ€˜In the land of the blind, the one-eyed man is kingโ€™. It arrives packaged as folk wisdom, the sort of thing youโ€™re meant to nod at sagely over a pint. And for centuries, we did. The proverb became shorthand for a comfortable fantasy: that advantage is advantage everywhere, that perception grants sovereignty, that a man with superior faculties will naturally ascend to his rightful place atop whatever heap he finds himself on.

Itโ€™s an Enlightenment dream avant la lettre, really โ€“ this breezy confidence that reason, sight, knowledge, insight will simply work wherever theyโ€™re deployed. The one-eyed man doesnโ€™t need to negotiate with the blind. He doesnโ€™t need their endorsement, their customs, their consent. He arrives, he sees, he rules. The proverb presumes a kind of metaphysical meritocracy, where truth and capability are self-authenticating, where the world politely arranges itself around whoever happens to possess the sharper tools.

Image: Midjourney didn’t coรถperate with my prompt for a one-eyed king. Trust that this king has only one.

Itโ€™s the intellectual equivalent of showing up in a foreign country with a briefcase full of sterling and expecting everyone to genuflect. And like most folk wisdom, it survives because it flatters us. It tells us that our advantages โ€“ our rationality, our education, our painstakingly cultivated discernment โ€“ are universally bankable. That we, the seeing, need only arrive for the blind to recognise our superiority.

Erasmus offers this with no apparent irony. He hands us a proverb that whispers: your clarity is your crown.

II. Wells Wanders In

Four centuries later, H.G. Wells picks up the proverb, turns it over in his hands like a curious stone, and proceeds to detonate it.

The Country of the Blind (1904) is many things โ€“ a fable, a thought experiment, a sly dismantling of Enlightenment presumption โ€“ but above all it is an act of literary vandalism against Erasmus and everything his proverb smuggles into our collective assumptions. Wells sends his protagonist, Nuรฑez, tumbling into an isolated Andean valley where a disease has rendered the entire population blind for generations. Theyโ€™ve adapted. Theyโ€™ve built a culture, a cosmology, a complete lifeworld organised around their particular sensorium. Sight isnโ€™t absent from their world; itโ€™s irrelevant. Worse: itโ€™s nonsense. The seeing manโ€™s reports of โ€˜lightโ€™ and โ€˜skyโ€™ and โ€˜mountainsโ€™ sound like the ravings of a lunatic.

Nuรฑez arrives expecting Erasmusโ€™s kingdom. He gets a psychiatric evaluation instead.

The brilliance of Wellsโ€™s story isnโ€™t simply that the one-eyed man fails to become king โ€“ itโ€™s how he fails. Nuรฑez doesnโ€™t lack effort or eloquence. He tries reason, demonstration, patient explanation. He attempts to prove the utility of sight by predicting sunrise, by describing distant objects, by leveraging his supposed advantage. None of it matters. The blind donโ€™t need his reports. They navigate their world perfectly well without them. His sight isnโ€™t superior; itโ€™s alien. And in a culture that has no use for it, no linguistic scaffolding to accommodate it, no social structure that values it, his one eye might as well be a vestigial tail.

The valleyโ€™s elders eventually diagnose Nuรฑezโ€™s problem: his eyes are diseased organs that fill his brain with hallucinations. The cure? Surgical removal.

Wells lets this hang in the air, brutal and comic. The one-eyed man isnโ€™t king. Heโ€™s a patient. And if he wants to stay, if he wants to belong, if he wants to marry the girl heโ€™s fallen for and build a life in this place, heโ€™ll need to surrender the very faculty he imagined made him superior. Heโ€™ll need to let them fix him.

The story ends ambiguously โ€“ Nuรฑez flees at the last moment, stumbling back toward the world of the sighted, though whether he survives is left unclear. But the damage is done. Erasmusโ€™s proverb lies in ruins. Wells has exposed its central presumption: that advantage is advantage everywhere. That perception grants authority. That reason, clarity, and superior faculties are self-evidently sovereign.

Theyโ€™re not. Theyโ€™re only sovereign where the culture already endorses them.

III. Platoโ€™s Ghost in the Valley

If Wells dismantles Erasmus, Plato hovers over the whole scene like a weary ghost, half scolding, half despairing, muttering that he told us this would happen.

The Allegory of the Cave, after all, is the original version of this story. The philosopher escapes the cave, sees the sun, comprehends the Forms, and returns to liberate his fellow prisoners with reports of a luminous reality beyond the shadows. They donโ€™t thank him. They donโ€™t listen. They think heโ€™s mad, or dangerous, or both. And if he persists โ€“ if he tries to drag them toward the exit, toward the light they canโ€™t yet see โ€“ theyโ€™ll kill him for it.

Video: Plato’s Cave

Platoโ€™s parable is usually read as a tragedy of ignorance: the prisoners are too stupid, too comfortable, too corrupted by their chains to recognise truth when itโ€™s offered. But read it alongside Wells and the emphasis shifts. The cave-dwellers arenโ€™t wrong, exactly. Theyโ€™re coherent. Theyโ€™ve built an entire epistemology around shadows. They have experts in shadow interpretation, a whole language for describing shadow behaviour, social hierarchies based on shadow-predicting prowess. The philosopher returns with reports of a three-dimensional world and they hear gibberish. Not because theyโ€™re defective, but because his truth has no purchase in their lifeworld.

Plato despairs over this. He wants the prisoners to want liberation. He wants truth to be self-authenticating, wants knowledge to compel assent simply by virtue of being knowledge. But the cave doesnโ€™t work that way. The prisoners donโ€™t want truth; they want comfort shaped like reality. They want coherence within the system they already inhabit. The philosopherโ€™s sun is as alien to them as Nuรฑezโ€™s sight is to the blind valley.

And hereโ€™s the kicker: Plato knows this. Thatโ€™s why the allegory is tragic rather than triumphant. The philosopher does see the sun. He does apprehend the Forms. But his knowledge is useless in the cave. Worse than useless โ€“ it makes him a pariah, a madman, a threat. His enlightenment doesnโ€™t grant him sovereignty; it exile him from the only community he has.

The one-eyed man isnโ€™t king. Heโ€™s the lunatic theyโ€™ll string up if he doesnโ€™t learn to shut up about the sky.

IV. The Enlightenmentโ€™s Magnificent Blunder

Once youโ€™ve got Erasmus, Wells, and Plato in the same room, the Enlightenmentโ€™s central fantasy collapses like wet cardboard.

Humanityโ€™s great Enlightenment wheeze โ€“ that baroque fantasy of Reason marching triumphantly through history like a powdered dragoon โ€“ has always struck me as the intellectual equivalent of selling snake oil in a crystal decanter. We were promised lucidity, emancipation, and the taming of ignorance; what we got was a fetish for procedural cleverness, a bureaucratisation of truth, and the ghastly belief that if you shine a bright enough torch into the void, the void will politely disclose its contents.

The Enlightenment presumed universality. It imagined that rationality, properly deployed, would work everywhere โ€“ that its methods were culture-neutral, that its conclusions were binding on all reasonable minds, that the shadows in Platoโ€™s cave and the blindness in Wellsโ€™s valley could be cured by the application of sufficient light and logic. It treated reason as a kind of metaphysical bulldozer, capable of flattening any terrain it encountered and paving the way for Progress, Truth, and Universal Human Flourishing.

This was, to put it mildly, optimistic.

What the Enlightenment missed โ€“ what Erasmusโ€™s proverb cheerfully ignores and what Wellsโ€™s story ruthlessly exposes โ€“ is that rationality is parochial. Itโ€™s not a universal solvent. Itโ€™s a local dialect, a set of practices that evolved within particular cultures, buttressed by particular institutions, serving particular ends. The Enlightenmentโ€™s rationality is Western rationality, Enlightenment rationality, rationality as understood by a specific cadre of 18th-century European men who happened to have the printing press, the political clout, and the colonial apparatus to export their epistemology at gunpoint.

They mistook their own seeing for sight itself. They mistook their own lifeworld for the world. And they built an entire civilisational project on the presumption that everyone else was just a less-developed version of them โ€“ prisoners in a cave, blind villagers, savages waiting to be enlightened.

The one-eyed man imagined himself king. He was actually the emissary who forgot to bow.

V. McGilchristโ€™s Neuroscientific Millinery

Iain McGilchrist sits in the same intellectual gravity well as Plato and Wells, only he dresses his thesis up in neuroscientific millinery so contemporary readers donโ€™t bolt for the door. The Master and His Emissary is essentially a 500-page retelling of the same ancient drama: the emissary โ€“ our little Enlightenment mascot โ€“ becomes so enamoured of his own procedures, abstractions, and tidy schemas that he forgets the Masterโ€™s deeper, embodied, culturally embedded sense-making.

McGilchristโ€™s parable is neurological rather than allegorical, but the structure is identical. The left hemisphere (the emissary) excels at narrow focus, manipulation, abstraction โ€“ the sort of thing you need to count coins or parse grammar or build bureaucracies. The right hemisphere (the Master) handles context, pattern recognition, relational understanding โ€“ the sort of thing you need to navigate an actual lifeworld where meaning is messy, embodied, and irreducible to procedures.

The emissary is supposed to serve the Master. Left-brain proceduralism is supposed to be a tool deployed within the broader, contextual sense-making of the right brain. But somewhere along the way โ€“ roughly around the Enlightenment, McGilchrist suggests โ€“ the emissary convinced itself it could run the show. Left-brain rationality declared independence from right-brain contextuality, built an empire of abstraction, and wondered why the world suddenly felt thin, schizophrenic, oddly two-dimensional.

Itโ€™s Erasmus all over again: the presumption that the emissary with one eye should be king. The same tragic misunderstanding of how worlds cohere.

McGilchristโ€™s diagnosis is clinical, but his conclusion is damning. Western modernity, he argues, has become pathologically left-hemisphere dominant. Weโ€™ve let analytic thought pretend itโ€™s sovereign. Weโ€™ve mistaken our schemas for reality, our maps for territory, our procedures for wisdom. Weโ€™ve built cultures that privilege manipulation over meaning, extraction over relationship, clarity over truth. And weโ€™re baffled when these cultures feel alienating, when they produce populations that are anxious, depressed, disenchanted, starved for something they canโ€™t quite name.

The emissary has forgotten the Master entirely. And the Master, McGilchrist suggests, is too polite โ€“ or too injured โ€“ to stage a coup.

In McGilchristโ€™s frame, culture is the Master. Strategy, reason, Enlightenment rationality โ€“ these are the emissaryโ€™s tools. Useful, necessary even, but never meant to govern. The Enlightenmentโ€™s mistake was letting the emissary believe his tools were all there was. Itโ€™s the same delusion Nuรฑez carries into Wellsโ€™s valley: the belief that sight, reason, superior faculties are enough. That the world will rearrange itself around whoever shows up with the sharper implements.

It wonโ€™t. The valley doesnโ€™t need your eyes. The cave doesnโ€™t want your sun. And the Master doesnโ€™t answer to the emissaryโ€™s paperwork.

VI. The Triumph of Context Over Cleverness

So hereโ€™s what these three โ€“ Erasmus, Wells, Plato โ€“ triangulate, and what McGilchrist confirms with his neuroscientific gloss: the Enlightenment dream was always a category error.

Reason doesnโ€™t grant sovereignty. Perception doesnโ€™t compel assent. Superior faculties donโ€™t self-authenticate. These things only work โ€“ only mean anything, only confer any advantage โ€“ within cultures that already recognise and value them. Outside those contexts, theyโ€™re noise. Gibberish. Hallucinations requiring surgical intervention.

The one-eyed man arrives in the land of the blind expecting a kingdom. What he gets is a reminder that kingdoms arenโ€™t built on faculties; theyโ€™re built on consensus. On shared stories, shared practices, shared ways of being-in-the-world. Culture is the bedrock. Reason is just a tool some cultures happen to valorise.

And hereโ€™s the uncomfortable corollary: if reason is parochial, if rationality is just another local dialect, then the Enlightenmentโ€™s grand project โ€“ its universalising ambitions, its colonial export of Western epistemology, its presumption that everyone, everywhere, should think like 18th-century European philosophes โ€“ was always a kind of imperialism. A metaphysical land-grab dressed up in the language of liberation.

The Enlightenment promised illumination but delivered a blinding glare that obscures more than it reveals. It told us the cave was a prison and the valley was backward and anyone who didnโ€™t see the world our way was defective, uncivilised, in need of correction. It never occurred to the Enlightenment that maybe โ€“ just maybe โ€“ other cultures had their own Masters, their own forms of contextual sense-making, their own ways of navigating the world that didnโ€™t require our light.

Wells understood this. Plato suspected it. McGilchrist diagnoses it. And Erasmus, bless him, never saw it coming.

VII. The Enlightenmentโ€™s Paper Crown

The Enlightenment liked to imagine itself as the adult entering the room, flicking on the light-switch, and announcing that, at long last, the shadows could stop confusing the furniture for metaphysics. This is the kind of confidence you only get when your culture hasnโ€™t yet learned the words for its own blind spots. It built an entire worldview on the hopeful presumption that its preferred modes of knowing werenโ€™t just one way of slicing experience, but the gold standard against which all other sense-making should be judged.

Call it what it is: a provincial dialect masquerading as the universal tongue. A parochial habit dressed in imperial robes. The Enlightenment always smelled faintly of a man who assumes everyone else at the dinner table will be impressed by his Latin quotations. And when they arenโ€™t, he blames the table.

The deeper farce is that Enlightenment rationality actually believed its tools were transferrable. That clarity is clarity everywhere. That if you wheel enough syllogisms into a space, the locals will drop their incense and convert on sight. Wells disabuses us of this; Plato sighs that he tried; McGilchrist clinically confirms the diagnosis. The emissary, armed with maps and measuring sticks, struts into the valley expecting coronation and is shocked โ€“ genuinely shocked โ€“ to discover that nobody particularly cares for his diagrams.

The Enlightenment mistake wasnโ€™t arrogance (though it had that in liberal supply). It was context-blindness. It thought procedures could substitute for culture. It thought method could replace meaning. It thought mastery was a matter of getting the right answer rather than belonging to the right world.

You can all but hear the emissary stamping his foot.

VIII. The Anti-Enlightenment Position (Such as It Is)

My own stance is drearily simple: I donโ€™t buy the Enlightenmentโ€™s sales pitch. Never have. The promise of universal reason was always a conjuring trick designed to flatter its adherents into thinking that their habits were Natureโ€™s preferences. Once you stop confusing methodological neatness with metaphysical authority, the entire apparatus looks less like a cathedral of light and more like a filing system that got ideas above its station.

The problem isnโ€™t that reason is useless. The problem is that reason imagines itself sovereign. Reason is a brilliant servant, a competent emissary, and an atrocious king. Culture is the king; context is the kingdom. Without those, rationality is just an embarrassed bureaucrat looking for a desk to hide behind.

This is why I keep banging on about language insufficiency, parochial cognition, and the delightful way our concepts disintegrate once you wander too far from the lifeworlds that birthed them. The Enlightenment thought the human mind was a searchlight. Itโ€™s closer to a candle in a draughty hall. You can still get work done with a candle. You just shouldnโ€™t be telling people it can illuminate the universe.

So the anti-Enlightenment move isnโ€™t a call to smash the instruments. Itโ€™s a call to read the room. To stop pretending the emissary is the Master. To stop assuming sight is a passport to sovereignty. To stop wandering into other cultures โ€“ other caves, other valleys, other hemispheres โ€“ with a ruler and a smirk, convinced youโ€™re about to be crowned.

Underneath these brittle idols lies the far messier truth that cognition is parochial, language insufficient, and โ€˜rationalityโ€™ a parlour trick we perform to impress ourselves. Iโ€™m not proposing a new catechism, nor am I pining for some prelapsarian alternative. Iโ€™m simply pointing out that the Enlightenment promised illumination but delivered a blinding glare that obscures more than it reveals.

The task, then, is to grow comfortable with the dimness. To navigate by flicker rather than floodlight. To admit that the world was never waiting to be made โ€˜clearโ€™ in the first place.

This doesnโ€™t mean abandoning reason. It means remembering that reason is the emissary, not the Master. It means recognising that our schemas are provisional, our maps incomplete, our procedures useful only within the cultures that endorse them. It means learning to bow โ€“ to culture, to context, to the irreducible messiness of lifeworlds we donโ€™t fully understand and canโ€™t procedurally master.

The one-eyed man never was king. At best, he was an enthusiastic tourist with a very noisy torch. The sooner he stops shining it into other peopleโ€™s faces, the sooner we can get on with the far more interesting business of navigating a world that never promised to be legible.

Not a kingdom of sight. Just a world where the emissary remembers his place.

Video: Accents and Acculturation

1โ€“2 minutes

This video on accents was nice โ€“a welcome diversion. In truth, it devoured the time Iโ€™d planned to spend writing something original, so Iโ€™m sharing it instead.

Itโ€™s by Dr Geoff Lindsey, a linguist whose work I rate highly. Using Gary Stevenson and Jimmy the Giant as case studies, he explores how accents quietly gatekeep credibility and upward mobility in Britain. The experiment is clever, the cultural archaeology even better.

Watching it as an American raised in New England, I found the whole exercise oddly revealing. I can distinguish the accents, but I donโ€™t carry the surrounding freight, so I was pulled more by persuasion than by prejudice. The Eliza Doolittle caricature feels distant enough to resist belief; Gary and Jimmyโ€™s ‘poshified’ voices do not.

And of course, we have our own mess. In the US, Southern accents are coded as low-status, no matter the speakerโ€™s education, yet many outsiders find them charming. Each side of the Atlantic has its class machinery; the gears are simply cut differently.

The Republic of Recursive Prophecy

5โ€“7 minutes

How the Trump Era Rewrote Time, Truth, and the Very Idea of a Common World

Politics in the Trump era wasnโ€™t merely a spectacle of bad manners and worse epistemology; it was the moment the United States stopped pretending it shared a common world โ€“ when politics ceased to be a quarrel over facts and became a quarrel over the very conditions that make facts possible. This essay is part of an ongoing project tracing how post-Enlightenment societies lose their shared grammar of verification and retreat into parallel narrative architectures that demand allegiance rather than assessment.

And before anyone hyperventilates about implied asymmetry: the recursive logic described here is not exclusive to the right. The progressive cosmology, though stylistically different, exhibits the same structural features โ€“ prophetic claims about impending catastrophe or salvation, retrospective reinterpretations to maintain coherence, and an insistence on possessing privileged interpretive tools. The Trump era didnโ€™t invent this recursive mode; it simply accelerated it, stripped it naked, and pumped it through a 24-hour media bloodstream until everyone could see the circuitry sparking.

Audio: NotebookLM podcast on this topic.

Welcome to the new cosmology.

1. The Death of a Common Grammar

Once the shared grammar of verification dissolves, political discourse stops unfolding in empirical time. It migrates into suspended futurity โ€“ a realm of conditional wagers:

If this, then that. Just wait. Youโ€™ll see. The future will vindicate us.

But the horizon keeps receding. When reality refuses to comply, factions rewrite the past to preserve the equilibrium between prophecy and outcome. Truth becomes less a matter of correspondence and more an act of narrative self-maintenance. Where the world diverges from the story, the world is adjusted.

Political time becomes pliable; the narrative must be kept intact, whatever the cost.

2. Mimetic Prophecy and the Absence of Catharsis

A Girardian lens clarifies whatโ€™s happening beneath the surface. The factions are not simply disagreeing; they are locked in mimetic rivalry, each imitating the otherโ€™s claim to prophetic vision. Insight becomes the mimetic object: each camp insists it alone can decode the approaching shape of events.

As the rivalry escalates, differentiation collapses. Both sides perform identical moves โ€“ warnings of authoritarianism, narratives of national peril, promises of historical vindication โ€“ whilst insisting the otherโ€™s prophecies are delusional.

In classic Girardian fashion, this symmetry produces a crisis: a collapse of distinction between rivals, accompanied by a desperate hunt for a stabilising sacrifice. In the Trump era, the scapegoat was not a person but a category: truth itself. Doubt, verification, shared reality โ€“ these were sacrificed at the altar of maintaining internal cohesion.

Yet unlike the societies Girard studied, the American polity achieves no catharsis. The sacrificial mechanism fails. No cleansing moment restores order. The cycle loops endlessly, forcing the community to reenact the ritual without the relief of resolution.

Prophecy, rivalry, crisis โ€“ repeat.

3. From Chronology to Mythic Temporality

Once prediction and remembrance collapse into one another, political time becomes mythic rather than chronological. The present becomes a hinge between two versions of the world: the one the faction already believes in and the one it insists the future will confirm.

The future becomes partisan property. The past becomes commentary. The present becomes maintenance.

Each faction edits its cosmology to preserve coherence, producing a recursive temporality in which prophecy and memory reinforce one another. Narrative supplants chronology; plausibility is subordinated to coherence. The factions are not lying; they are mythologising.

This is what a society does when it cannot stabilise truth but cannot abandon truth-claims either.

4. Madisonโ€™s Diagnosis, Reversed

James Madison, in his republican optimism, believed factions were inevitable but containable. Pluralism, he argued, would safeguard the republic by ensuring no faction could elevate its partial vision into a universal claim. The sheer scale and diversity of the republic would generate cross-pressure strong enough to check epistemic domination.

He assumed a shared evidentiary world.

He did not imagine a polity in which factions construct discrete epistemic universes โ€“ self-sealing interpretive systems with their own temporal orders, myths of origin, and theories of legitimacy. Under such conditions, pluralism no longer disciplines factional excess; it shelters it. It becomes a buffer that prevents contact, not a mechanism that fosters correction.

Madison feared that factions might mistake their partial view for the whole.
Our moment dissolves the very idea of the whole.

Pluralism, once a remedy, becomes the architecture of epistemic secession.

5. The Theatre of Recursive Narration

What remains is not deliberation but theatreโ€”political communities sustained by the perpetual reenactment of their own certainties. Each faction maintains itself through narrative recursion, chanting the same incantation of retrospective rightness, performing the same rites of interpretive renewal.

The republic no longer hosts disagreement; it hosts parallel cosmologies.

In the republic of recursive prophecy, truth is no longer what grounds politics โ€“ itโ€™s what politics performs.


Afterword

This article followed a chat with ChatGPT. For what itโ€™s worth, I now style myself a post-postmodern, post-critical theorist โ€“ though these labels are as pointless as the ones they replace.

The conversation began with Paul Feyerabendโ€™s Against Method, which was already on my mind. In Appendix 1 he writes:

That set me wondering, again, how one discerns signal from noise. As a statistician, separating wheat from chaff is my daily bread, but how does one do it politically without pretending to possess privileged access to truth? In this environment, each faction insists it has such access. The other side, naturally, is deluded. Ignore the fact that there are more than two sides; binary thinking is the fashion of the day.

I leaned on ChatGPT and asked for sources on this lemma โ€“ what to read, where to dig. It replied with books Iโ€™d already read, save for one:

  1. Paul Feyerabend: Against Method and Science in a Free Society
  2. Jean-Franรงois Lyotard: The Postmodern Condition
  3. Richard Rorty: Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity
  4. Michel Foucault: Power/Knowledge and The Archaeology of Knowledge
  5. Jacques Derrida: Of Grammatology and Positions
  6. Bruno Latour: We Have Never Been Modern
  7. Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau: Hegemony and Socialist Strategy

I hadnโ€™t read Laclau & Mouffe. ChatGPT summarised them neatly:

Right up my street. (I still need to read it.)

That, in turn, brought Madisonโ€™s Federalist No. 10 to mind โ€“ his warning that factional division, particularly the two-party structure the United States later perfected, would one day become corrosive.

Then Girard entered the chat. And so on. We followed the thread a little longer until this essay took shape. I didnโ€™t feel compelled to polish it into a formal academic piece. A blog seems a far better home for now, and the essay version can remain an open question.

When Nobody Reads: Capitalism, Comment Sections, and the Death of Discourse

12โ€“17 minutes

I recently commemorated an article on Excess Deaths Attributable to Capitalism. The backlash on LinkedIn was swift, loud, and โ€“ letโ€™s say โ€“ uninformed.

Video: Short clip on this topic.

What followed was a case study in how not to communicate.

LinkedIn, that self-parody of professional virtue signalling, is essentially a digital networking sรฉance: a place where narcissism wears a tie. So I expected a reaction โ€“ just not one quite so unintentionally revealing.

Audio: NotebookLM podcast on this topic.

But Firstโ€ฆ

Before I get too engaged, I want to share one of my favourite interactions: After I informed a commenter that I was a trained economist who taught undergraduate economics for the better part of a decade and had read many seminal economic books and journals firsthand, he replied, ‘No wonder you don’t know anything about economics’.

It reminded me of Oscar Wilde’s quip:

I think he may have taken this point too far.

The Post

I posted this:

Capitalism doesnโ€™t kill with guns or gulags.
It kills with forms, policy, and plausible deniability.
The machine is efficient precisely because no one feels responsible.
When an insurance executive cuts ‘unprofitable’ coverage, itโ€™s not an atrocity โ€“ itโ€™s ‘cost optimisation’.

Four assertions that, if anything, were restrained. And yet, of roughly 6,600 impressions, 150 people commented โ€“ and only ten actually clicked through to read the article itself. Two, perhaps, reached the source post.

So, fewer than one-tenth of one per cent engaged with the argument. The rest engaged with their projections.

The Anatomy of Reaction

From this data set, one can discern a familiar pattern โ€“ social mediaโ€™s endemic form of discourse dementia. People no longer respond to content, but to keywords. They hear ‘capitalism’ and proceed to recite preloaded scripts from whichever Cold War memory palace they inhabit.

Their replies fall neatly into categories.

1. The Purists and Apologists

These are the theologians of the market. They defend a sacred true capitalism โ€“ pure, fair, competitive โ€“ untainted by corruption or collusion. Every failure is blamed on heresy: ‘Thatโ€™s not capitalism, thatโ€™s bureaucracy’.

This is theology masquerading as economics. The purity argument is its own circular proof: if capitalism fails, it was never real capitalism to begin with.

I eventually replied with a meme that captured the absurdity perfectly:

ยซ Yeah, bruh! Cancer is not the problem. The problem is stage 4 cancer. What we need is stage 2 cancer. ยป

Image: Mentioned Meme

Thatโ€™s the logic of ‘real capitalism’. A belief that malignancy can be cured by downgrading it.

2. The Cold Warriors and Whatabouters

When all else fails, shout Stalin. ‘Move to Cuba’, they say, as if the modern world were still divided between the Berlin Wall and McDonaldโ€™s.

These people argue from the long-term memory of the twentieth century because their short-term memory has been erased by ideology. The result is political dementia โ€“ functioning recall of ghosts, total blindness to the present.

3. The Moral Traditionalists

‘Capitalism created the highest living standards in history’, they proclaim, ignoring that the same sentence could be said of feudalism by a duke.

They confuse correlation for causation: prosperity under capitalism equals prosperity because of capitalism. Itโ€™s a comforting fable that erases the costs โ€“ colonialism, exploitation, environmental collapseโ€”folded into that narrative of progress.

4. The Diagnosticians and Dismissers

When all argument fails, the fallback is pathology: ‘Youโ€™re confused,’ ‘Youโ€™re a cancer’, ‘Take this nonsense to Bluesky‘.

Ad hominem is the last refuge of the intellectually cornered. It converts disagreement into diagnosis. Itโ€™s a defence mechanism masquerading as discourse.

5. The Bureaucracy Confusionists

This group misread ‘forms and policy’ as an attack on government, not markets. For them, only the state can be bureaucratic. They cannot conceive of corporate violence without a uniform.

Thatโ€™s precisely the blindness the post was about โ€“ the quiet procedural cruelty embedded in systems so efficient no one feels responsible.

6. The Realists and Partial Allies

A handful of commenters admitted the system was broken โ€“ just not fatally. ‘Capitalism has gone astray’, they said. ‘Itโ€™s not capitalism; itโ€™s profiteering’.

This is capitalismโ€™s soft apologetics: acknowledging illness while refusing to name the disease. These are the reformists still rearranging chairs on the Titanic.

7. The Human-Nature Essentialists

‘The problem isnโ€™t capitalism โ€“ itโ€™s people’.

Ah yes, anthropology as absolution. The rhetorical sleight of hand that converts design flaws into human nature. Itโ€™s a comforting determinism: greed is eternal, therefore systems are blameless.

This, too, proves the thesis. Capitalismโ€™s most effective mechanism is the internalisation of guilt. You blame yourself, not the structure.

8. The Paranoids and Projectionists

For these, critique equals conspiracy. ‘The Marxists are oppressing your freedom’. ‘Bank accounts frozen in Canada’. ‘Social credit scores!’

They live in a world where any question of fairness is a plot to install a totalitarian state. Their fear is algorithmic; it needs no source.

9. The Systemic Observers

A few โ€“ precious few โ€“ saw the argument clearly. They understood that capitalismโ€™s violence is procedural, not personal. That its atrocities come with signatures, not bullets. That the โ€œcost optimisationโ€ logic of insurance or healthcare is not an aberration โ€“ itโ€™s the system functioning as designed.

These voices are proof that rational discourse isnโ€™t extinct โ€“ merely endangered.

Discourse Dementia

What this episode reveals is not a failure of capitalism so much as a failure of cognition. The audience no longer hears arguments; it hears triggers. People donโ€™t read โ€“ hey recognise.

The reflexive replies, the off-topic tangents, the moral panic โ€“ all of it is capitalism in miniature: fast, efficient, transactional, and devoid of empathy.

Social media has become the bureaucratic form of thought itself โ€“ automated, unaccountable, and self-reinforcing. Nobody reads because reading doesnโ€™t scale. Nobody engages because attention is a commodity.

Capitalism doesnโ€™t just kill with forms.
It kills with feeds.

Coda: The Light That Blinds

The Enlightenment promised clarity โ€“ the clean line between reason and superstition, order and chaos, subject and object. Yet, from that same light emerged the bureaucrat, the executive, and the algorithm: three perfect children of reason, each killing with increasing efficiency and decreasing intent.

Capitalism is merely the administrative arm of this lineage โ€“ the economic expression of the Enlightenmentโ€™s original sin: mistaking quantification for understanding. When discourse itself becomes procedural, when conversation turns into cost-benefit analysis, thought ceases to be an act of care and becomes an act of compliance.

The tragedy isnโ€™t that weโ€™ve lost meaning. Itโ€™s that weโ€™ve automated it.
The machine hums on, self-justifying, self-optimising, self-absolving.

And, as ever, no one feels responsible.


Argumentation Approaches

I include the negative comments for a quick reference. Feel free to find the complete thread on LinkedIn.

  • Nonsense
  • Your post is a confession that anti-capitalism kills with guns and gulags.
    Give me capitalism over socialism any day.
  • Well, you should move to Cuba or any other socialist paradiseโ€ฆ end of issue.
  • How can you be taken seriously when you conflate an entire economic system with health insurance? And for someone to say that overt murder, a la Stalin, is โ€œdecencyโ€? That speaks for itself.
  • That is not capitalism. That is bureaucracy.
  • Healthcare isn’t free and everyone has the same right to make or not to make money.
  • Sounds more like socialism. Do it our way or we will freeze your bank account, take your job, and make sure you get nothing till you comply (proof was during covid)
  • Capitalism has made us the desired destination for those living in socialistic societies
  • BEURACRACY. The word your looking for is BEURACRACY not capitalism.
    There is no form of government more beurocratic than communism, except socialism.
    If you wonder why that is, communism doesn’t have to hide it’s authoritarianism like socialism does.
  • Socialism/Communism killed over 100 million the last century the old fashioned way;: bullets, starvation, torture, etc. Capitalism lifted 1 billion people out of poverty
  • Pathetic – misleading statement. Yes there are many problems, and mistakes that should be corrected. But as a physician, can guarantee before this medical system starting to ignore viruses, far more people were killed yearly under socialist or communist medical systems than capitalism. Wake up – care was not denied because many procedures and higher levels of care were unreachable to most!!!

  • How is the Government any different? You get what they say you get without the option of voting with your feet/checkbook. Iโ€™ll take my chances in the free market EVERY TIME.
  • This post is fiction from the start.
    Capitalism does NOT kill. Communism/Socialism does though.
  • Are you implying the ponderous inactivity of the socialist apparat is not worse than what we encounter with capitalistic motivated organizations? Learn the facts.

    Capitalism works well enough–better than any other alternatives. It degrades when government sticks its nose into private transactions to provide cover for lethargy and inefficiency. Responsibility moves from the person with whom one deals to a great nothingness of indifference. [truncated for brevity]
  • Private insurance has its faults but so does government insurance they are different but just as challenging
  • Any business that deals directly with Human tragedy (Casualty, Medical, Health, et al) should be held to both a different and higher standard in โ€œcost optimizationโ€ than other businesses. To say that someoneโ€™s chemo should be spreadsheeted in the same columns as someoneโ€™s second home 80 feet from the beach is proof that capitalism is dead and scorched earth profiteering is now the new normal.
  • The argument should not be about capitalism vs. communism, but rather about human beings. Are humans creative/gifted enough to take care of themselves and produce surplus for the helpless few, or helpless sheep, majority to be fed and controlled by elites? But for your edification Bry, as you are critic of capitalism, try communism for a season, to balance your critique.
  • Bry WILLIS how long have you been this confused about basic economics and government policy?

    Most people stop using the “I know you are, but what am I” basis for their arguments by the age of seven or eight. But it appears to still be your basis for discourse.

    I wish you better luck seeing and understanding things for what they actually are vice how you wish they were.
  • The rules come from a socialist regime. The Marxists are oppressing your freedom. Not rhe FREE market and free enrerprises. What are you talking about….
  • That is is not capitalism. that is CRONY capitalism when feather merchants spread so much hoo-ha that nobody can get anything done.
  • Bry WILLIS look up social credit. Bank accounts under this government in Canada, have already been frozen, for dare disagreeing with them
  • This man feels our health insurance system represents capitalism? We better have a more in depth talk about how American health insurance works.
  • This has nothing to do with โ€œcapitalismโ€. If you choose to use the English language to communicate, understand the intended meanings of the words. We use contract law in our country regarding insurance coverage. It has little to do with capitalism. In fact, Obamacare stripped any semblance of capitalism from the process and replaced it with pricing manipulation, regulations, subsidies and other such โ€œadjustmentsโ€ to what used to be a capitalistic system. Blame the regulations, and lack of government enforcement, not โ€œcapitalismโ€. No winder NYC elected Momdani.
  • Ask those in China, N. Korea, and Russia how socialism/communism works for them.
  • Next you will have Gen AI and Agentic AI declining claims so that management can just point to the AI and no one has to feel bad for cutting off life saving care.
  • Youโ€™re a cancer. Capitalism created the best living standards the world ever seen. The socialist show up and corrupt it with all these social programs that donโ€™t work and thatโ€™s where weโ€™re at. Youโ€™re killing the future. Youโ€™re an idealist that never had to live in the real work and built anything and youโ€™ll be the one whoโ€™s bitching when youโ€™re on relief.
  • The only system that placed people in gulags was socialism all under the banner of democracy.
  • This is pure nonsense.  Take stuff like this on Bluesky
  • As Iโ€™ve said 4,000 times before, Capitalism requires robust competition in the market and zero collusion, price fixing, and market manipulation in order for it to function in its truest form and most beneficial economic impact to society as a whole (instead of 2%) and to be truly considered superior to other forms. None of those conditions exists in todayโ€™s capitalism (as practiced) and it has devolved into scorched earth profiteering which has a totally different definition and is practiced in a different way. Todayโ€™s profiteering by Corporations, which includes actions and behaviors that are counter-productive to capitalism, and that they hide under the guise of capitalism, acts as a malignant cancer on true capitalism and its inevitable result is, over time, a greater demand by society for socialist response as a counter measure. If Capitalism were working as it should, (and itโ€™s not) that demand by society for socialist action would be highly diminished instead of enhanced.
  • Capitalism is not the “marriage of business and government” — that’s called oligarchy or, as the WEF calls it, “stakeholder capitalism”, also known as aristocracy. This is the current operating model of Canada, for example, wherein regulation and subsidy and tax”relief” is used to protect monopolies they are favorable to the sitting government.

    Before we go any further, please share your definition of capitalism.
  • Such bureaucracy is worse with socialism, with even less individual freedom because the almighty centralized state maintains tight control over everything.
  • Another socialist complaining about tainted money. Bry, the money “taint” yours to spend. It belongs to those who earned it.
  • More like government bureaucracy

Notes and References

1. The Procedural Violence of Systems.
David Graeberโ€™s The Utopia of Rules (2015) and Bullshit Jobs (2018) remain essential on the bureaucratic face of modern capitalism โ€” where compliance replaces conscience and inefficiency becomes profitable.

2. Markets as Mythology.
Karl Polanyiโ€™s The Great Transformation (1944) describes how โ€œself-regulatingโ€ markets were never natural phenomena but products of state violence and enclosure. What contemporary defenders call โ€œreal capitalismโ€ is, in Polanyiโ€™s terms, a historical fiction maintained through continuous coercion.

3. The Logic of the Machine.
Bernard Stieglerโ€™s Technics and Time (1994โ€“2001) and Automatic Society (2015) provide the philosophical frame for capitalismโ€™s algorithmic mutation: automation not just of production, but of attention and thought.

4. Bureaucracy and Death.
Max Weberโ€™s early insight into rationalisationโ€”the conversion of moral action into procedural necessityโ€”reaches its necropolitical extreme in Achille Mbembeโ€™s Necropolitics (2003), where the administration of life and death becomes a managerial function.

5. Language, Responsibility, and the Loss of Agency.
Hannah Arendtโ€™s Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963) diagnosed โ€œthe banality of evilโ€ as precisely the condition described in the post: atrocity performed through paperwork, not passion. The executive who denies coverage is merely performing policy.

6. Attention as Commodity.
Guy Debordโ€™s Society of the Spectacle (1967) and Byung-Chul Hanโ€™s In the Swarm (2017) both chart the transformation of discourse into spectacle, and thought into metrics โ€” the perfect capitalist apotheosis: outrage without substance, visibility without understanding.

7. On Reflex and Recognition.
Friedrich Nietzscheโ€™s Genealogy of Morals (1887) prefigures this pathology in his account of herd morality and ressentiment โ€” a collective psychology where reaction replaces reflection.


Further Reading / Contextual Essays

The Ethics of Maintenance: Against the Myth of Natural Purpose
A dismantling of the Enlightenmentโ€™s faith in progress. Maintenance, not innovation, becomes the moral task once teleology collapses. This essay lays the groundwork for understanding capitalism as an entropy accelerator disguised as improvement.

Against Agency: The Fiction of the Autonomous Self
Explores how neoliberal ideology weaponises Enlightenment individualism. The myth of โ€œself-madeโ€ success functions as capitalismโ€™s moral camouflage โ€” the narrative counterpart to plausible deniability.

The Illusion of Light: Thinking After the Enlightenment
The core text of the Anti-Enlightenment corpus. A philosophical excavation of modernityโ€™s central delusion: that illumination equals truth. Traces the lineage from Cartesian clarity to algorithmic opacity.

Objectivity Is Illusion (The Language Insufficiency Hypothesis)
An inquiry into the failure of language as a medium for truth claims. Introduces the Effectivenessโ€“Complexity Gradient, showing how every human system โ€” political, linguistic, economic โ€” eventually collapses under the weight of its own abstractions.

The Discipline of Dis-Integration
A philosophy of maintenance over progress. Argues that dis-assembly โ€” not construction โ€” is the proper epistemic gesture in an age of exhaustion.

Propensity (Ridley Park, 2024)
The fictional mirror to these essays. A speculative novel examining the behavioural mechanics of optimisation, obedience, and systemic cruelty โ€” a narrative form of โ€œcost-optimisation ethics.โ€

Excess Deaths Attributable to Capitalism: A Case Study in Deflection

2โ€“3 minutes

Whenever you point out that capitalism kills โ€“ quietly, bureaucratically, with paperwork instead of bulletsโ€”someone inevitably pipes up about the Great Leap Forward or the Holodomor. Itโ€™s a reflex, like the ideological hiccup of a system allergic to self-reflection.

Audio: NotebookLM podcast on this topic.

One such defender of the sacred market recently wrote:

You can almost hear the pearls clutching.


For context, I share the text from his profile. I’ll let you perform the personality assessment.

One thing I will promise; I never block anyone just because I may disagree with or dislike their words. Because the only people who do are cowards. Want to attack me? Fine. If you think that makes the world a better place, go ahead; you cannot hurt me with your words.


Letโ€™s be clear: the crimes of Stalin, Mao, and Pol Pot are not Communismโ„ข incarnate, any more than Donald Trump represents Democracyโ„ข. Systems donโ€™t commit atrocities; people do โ€“ though some systems make atrocity easier, more efficient, and more deniable.

To illustrate: imagine Luigi Mangioni shoots and kills Brian Thompson, CEO of UnitedHealthcare. Luigi is an individual agent. Thompson, by contrast, is the face of a healthcare system that quietly decides who lives and who dies based on profitability.

If Thompson represents a system that allows people to die for lack of coverage, who bears the greater moral burden? Luigi, with his single bullet โ€“ or the corporate mechanism that kills by neglect, at scale, every day?

Capitalism hides behind its abstraction. It kills by omission. Stalin and Mao at least had the decency to be explicit. The capitalist death machine grinds on invisibly, its victims written off as ‘market externalities’.

So when a self-described truth-teller tells me to make a video about ‘the slaughters of socialism’, Iโ€™ll happily oblige โ€“ right after he makes one about preventable deaths under his beloved market: the uninsured, the unhoused, the unprofitable. The only difference between Stalinโ€™s gulags and our modern equivalents is branding. One killed by decree; the other kills by design.

Care Without Conquest: Feminist Lessons for the Workaday Philosopher

2โ€“4 minutes

I recently posted The Ethics of Maintenance: Against the Myth of Natural Purpose. In it, I brushed โ€“ perhaps too lightly โ€“ against my debt to feminist philosophy. Itโ€™s time to acknowledge that debt more directly and explain how it spills into the mundane greasework of daily life.

Audio: NotebookLM podcast on this topic.

I tend not to worship at the altar of names, but letโ€™s name names anyway. Beyond the usual French suspects โ€“ your Sartres, de Beauvoirs, and Foucaults โ€“ I owe much to the feminist philosophers โ€“ Gilligan, Tronto, Butler, Bellacasa, and de Beauvoir again โ€“ and, while weโ€™re at it, the post-colonialists, whose names I’ll not recite for fear of being pompous. Their shared heresy is a suspicion of universals. They expose the myth of neutrality, whether it parades as Reason, Progress, or Civilisation. They remind us that every โ€œuniversalโ€ is merely someoneโ€™s local story told loud enough to drown out the others.

This isnโ€™t a matter of sex or gender, though thatโ€™s how the names have been filed. The core lesson is epistemic, not biological. Feminist philosophy re-centres care, interdependence, and the politics of maintenance, not as sentimental virtues but as systems logic. The post-colonialists do the same at a geopolitical scale: maintenance instead of conquest, relation instead of domination.

On Gender, Behaviour, and the Lazy Binary

I donโ€™t buy into sex and gender binaries, especially regarding behaviour. Even in biology, the dichotomy frays under scrutiny. Behaviourally, it collapses entirely. The problem isnโ€™t people; itโ€™s the linguistic furniture we inherited.

Iโ€™m weary of the moral blackmail that calls it misogyny not to vote for a woman, or racism not to vote for a black candidate. These accusations come, paradoxically, from sexists and racists who reduce people to the colour of their skin or the contents of their underwear. Having a vagina doesnโ€™t make one a caretaker; having a penis doesnโ€™t preclude empathy. The category error lies in mistaking type for trait.

When I refuse to vote for a Margaret Thatcher or a Hillary Clinton, itโ€™s not because theyโ€™re women. Itโ€™s because they operate in the same acquisitive, dominion-driven register as the men they mirror. If the game is conquest, swapping the playerโ€™s gender doesnโ€™t change the rules.

Maintenance as Political Praxis

My interest lies in those who reject that register altogether โ€“ the ones who abandon the mythology of Progress and its testosterone-addled twin, Innovation. The ethics of maintenance Iโ€™ve written about, and the philosophy of Dis-Integration I keep harping on, both gesture toward an alternative mode of being: one that prizes endurance over expansion, care over conquest.

This isnโ€™t new. Feminist philosophers have been saying it for decades, often unheard because they werenโ€™t shouting in Latin or running empires. Iโ€™m merely repackaging and re-contextualising, hoping that bundling these neglected insights together might make them audible again.

Knowledge never comes in a vacuum; it circulates. It leaks, cross-pollinates, mutates. To claim โ€œintellectual propertyโ€ over an idea is to pretend ownership of the air. Iโ€™ll spare you the full rant, but suffice it to say that the moment knowledge becomes proprietary, it ceases to breathe.

Conclusion

If I have a creed โ€“ and I say this reluctantly โ€“ itโ€™s that philosophy should serve as maintenance, not monument-building. Feminist and post-colonial thinkers model that: constant attention, critical care, resistance to the entropy of domination.

Iโ€™m just trying to keep the engine running without pretending itโ€™s divine.


Bonus

Image: Feminists, according to Midjourney 7

Excess Capitalism: 1,000 Views

This is one of the more popular posts on here, so I shouldn’t have to give this milestone special attention, but I will anyway. Slow news day. It’s more about economics and political science, but I go there, too. Not a big fan of Capitalism in any of its many incarnations.

Video: Midjourney automation

I decided to experiment with Midjourney for this cover art and short animation. Instead of creating a typical prompt, I simply copied and pasted the text into the box above and let Midjourney make sense of it. This was the result. Then I asked to animate a loop.

Enough diversion. Back to finishing my latest book. I see light at the end of the tunnel.

Freedom: The Chains That Bind Us Together

Black-and-white illustration of robed figures standing in a forest clearing, forming a circle by linking chains between their hands. The figures appear both united and restrained, illuminated by a pale, radiant light that suggests dawn or revelation. The mood is solemn yet transcendent, symbolising Rousseauโ€™s paradox that freedom and constraint are inseparable. The image appears as a parody Magic: The Gathering card titled โ€œFreedom,โ€ subtitled โ€œEnchantment โ€” Social Contract,โ€ with a quote from Jean-Jacques Rousseau: โ€œTo renounce liberty is to renounce being a man.โ€ The art captures the tension between community, bondage, and liberation.

Freedom is a word so overused itโ€™s practically anaemic. Everyone wants it; no one agrees on what it means. Itโ€™s been weaponised by tyrants and revolutionaries alike, invoked to justify both the breaking of chains and their reforging in a different metal.

Audio: NotebookLM podcast on this topic.

As I write this, I have just finished Erich Fromm’s A Sane Society. Without derailing this post, he cited a scenario โ€“ a description of work communities given in All Things Common, by Claire Huchet Bishop โ€“ where in post-WW2 France, a group formed a sort of workers’ coรถperative โ€“ but it was more than that; it was an anarchosyndicalist experiment. As I read it, I had to cringe at the power ‘voluntary’ transfers that immediately got me thinking of Foucault’s biopower โ€“ as I often do. Saving this for a separate post.

Black-and-white illustration of robed figures standing in a forest clearing, forming a circle by linking chains between their hands. The figures appear both united and restrained, illuminated by a pale, radiant light that suggests dawn or revelation. The mood is solemn yet transcendent, symbolising Rousseauโ€™s paradox that freedom and constraint are inseparable. The image appears as a parody Magic: The Gathering card titled โ€œFreedom,โ€ subtitled โ€œEnchantment โ€” Social Contract,โ€ with a quote from Jean-Jacques Rousseau: โ€œTo renounce liberty is to renounce being a man.โ€ The art captures the tension between community, bondage, and liberation.
Image: Freedom: The Chains That Bind Us Together
Card 006 from the Postmodern Set โ€“ Philosophics.blog

This Critical Theory parody card, Freedom, draws its lineage from Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose paradox still haunts the modern condition: โ€œMan is born free, and everywhere he is in chains.โ€ The card re-enchants that contradiction โ€“ an Enchantment โ€“ Social Contract that reminds us liberty isnโ€™t a state but a negotiation.

The card reads:

At the beginning of each playerโ€™s upkeep, that player may remove a Binding counter from a permanent they control.
Creatures you control canโ€™t be tapped or sacrificed by spells or abilities your opponent controls.

This is Rousseauโ€™s dilemma made mechanical. Freedom is not absolute; itโ€™s procedural. The upkeep represents the maintenance of the social contractโ€”an ongoing renewal, not a one-time event. Every player begins their turn by negotiating what freedom costs. You may remove one Binding counter, but only if you recognise that binding exists.

The flavour text underlines Rousseauโ€™s plea:

โ€œTo renounce liberty is to renounce being a man.โ€

Freedom, for Rousseau, wasnโ€™t about doing whatever one pleased. It was about participating in the moral and civic order that gives action meaning. To exist outside that order is not liberty; itโ€™s anarchy, the tyranny of impulse.

The card, therefore, resists the naรฏve libertarian reading of freedom as the absence of restraint. It instead depicts freedom as the capacity to act within and through shared constraints.

The art shows a ring of robed figures, hand in hand, their chains forming a circle beneath a clearing sky. Itโ€™s a haunting image: freedom through fellowship, bondage through unity. The circle symbolises Rousseauโ€™s idea that true liberty emerges only when individuals subordinate selfish will to the general will โ€“ the common interest formed through collective agreement.

Yet thereโ€™s also a postmodern irony here: circles can be prisons too. The social contract can emancipate or suffocate, depending on who wrote its terms. The same chains that protect can also bind.

The monochrome aesthetic amplifies the ambiguity โ€“ freedom rendered in greyscale, neither utopia nor despair, but the space in between.

Rousseauโ€™s notion of the social contract was revolutionary, but its dissonance still resonates: how can one be free and bound at the same time? He answered that only through the voluntary participation in a collective moral order can humans transcend mere instinct.

We might say that todayโ€™s democracies still operate under Freedom (Enchantment โ€“ Social Contract). We maintain our rights at the cost of constant negotiation: legal, social, linguistic. Every โ€œBinding counterโ€ removed is the product of civic upkeep. Stop maintaining it, and the enchantment fades.

The card hints at the price of this enchantment: creatures (citizens) canโ€™t be tapped or sacrificed by opponentsโ€™ control. In other words, autonomy is secured only when the system prevents external domination. But systems fail, and when they do, the illusion of freedom collapses into coercion.

Rousseau earns a complicated respect in my philosophical canon. Heโ€™s not in my top five, but heโ€™s unavoidable. His concept of freedom through the social contract anticipates both modern liberalism and its critique. He believed that genuine liberty required moral community โ€“ a notion now eroded by hyper-individualism.

Freedom, as Iโ€™ve rendered it here, isnโ€™t celebration. Itโ€™s lamentation. The card is about the fragility of the social spell that keeps chaos at bay. We remove one binding at a time, hoping not to unbind ourselves entirely.

The Sane Delusion: Fromm, Beauvoir, and the Cult of Mid-Century Liberation

2โ€“4 minutes

Itโ€™s almost endearing, really how the intellectuals of mid-century Europe mistook the trembling of their own cage for the dawn chorus of freedom. Reading Erich Frommโ€™s The Sane Society today feels like being handed a telegram from Modernismโ€™s last bright morning, written in the earnest conviction that history had finally grown up. The war was over, the worker was unionised, the child was unspanked, and the libido โ€“ good heavens โ€“ was finally allowed to breathe. What could possibly go wrong?

Audio: NotebookLM podcast on this topic.

Fromm beams:

โ€œIn the twentieth century, such capitalistic exploitation as was customary in the nineteenth century has largely disappeared. This must not, however, becloud the insight into the fact that twentieth-century as well as nineteenth-century Capitalism is based on the principle that is to be found in all class societies: the use of man by man.โ€

The sleight of hand is marvellous. He spots the continuation of exploitation but calls it progress. The worker has become a ‘partner’, the manager a ‘team leader’, and the whip has been replaced by a time card. No one bows anymore, he writes. No, they just smile through performance reviews and motivational posters.

Frommโ€™s optimism borders on metaphysical comedy.

โ€œAfter the First World War, a sexual revolution took place in which old inhibitions and principles were thrown overboard. The idea of not satisfying a sexual wish was supposed to be old-fashioned or unhealthy.โ€

Ah yes, the Jazz Age orgy of liberation โ€“ champagne, Freud, and flapper hemlines. The problem, of course, is that every generation mistakes its new neuroses for freedom from the old ones. Frommโ€™s โ€œsexual revolutionโ€ was barely a shuffle in the bourgeois bedroom; Beauvoirโ€™s Deuxiรจme Sexe arrived the next year, practically shouting across the cafรฉ table that liberation was still a myth stitched into the same old corset.

Beauvoir, at least, sensed the trap: every gesture toward freedom was refracted through patriarchal fantasy, every ‘choice’ conditioned by the invisible grammar of domination. Fromm, bless him, still believed in a sane society โ€“ as if sanity were something history could deliver by instalment.

Meanwhile, the Existentialists were in the next room, chain-smoking and muttering that existence precedes essence. Freedom, they insisted, wasnโ€™t something achieved through social reform but endured as nausea. Post-war Paris reeked of it โ€“ half despair, half Gauloises. And within a decade, the French schools would dismantle the very scaffolding that held Frommโ€™s optimism together: truth, progress, human nature, the subject.

The Modernists thought they were curing civilisation; the Post-Moderns knew it was terminal and just tried to describe the symptoms with better adjectives.

So yes, Frommโ€™s Sane Society reads now like a time capsule of liberal humanist faith โ€“ this touching belief that the twentieth century would fix what the nineteenth broke. Beauvoir already knew better, though even she couldnโ€™t see the coming avalanche of irony, the final revelation that emancipation was just another product line.

Liberation became a brand, equality a slogan, sanity a statistical average. Frommโ€™s dream of psychological health looks quaint now, like a health spa brochure left in the ruins of a shopping mall.

And yet, perhaps itโ€™s precisely that naivety thatโ€™s worth cherishing. For a moment, they believed the world could be cured with reason and compassion โ€“ before history reminded them, as it always does, that man is still using man, only now with friendlier UX design and better lighting.

The Seduction of the Spreadsheet

1โ€“2 minutes

Whilst researching โ€œThe Will to Be Ruled: Totalitarianism and the Fantasy of Freedomโ€, I stumbled across Mattias Desmetโ€™s The Psychology of Totalitarianism. The title alone was bait enough. I expected the usual reheated liberal anxiety about dictators; instead, I found a critique of data worship and mechanistic reason that hits the nerve of our statistical age.

Besmet, a Belgian psychologist with a background in statistics, begins not with tyranny but with epistemology โ€“ with how the Enlightenmentโ€™s dream of objectivity curdled into the managerial nightmare we now inhabit. The first half of the book reads like a slow unmasking of Scientism: how numbers became our gods, and graphs, our catechisms.

Written before COVID-19 but finished during it, his argument turns pandemic data into theatre โ€“ a performance of certainty masking deep confusion. The daily tally became ritual sacrifice to the idol of ‘evidence-based’ policy. His point, and mine, is that totalitarianism no longer needs gulags; it thrives in dashboards and KPIs.

Desmetโ€™s frame intersects beautifully with my own thesis: that obedience today is internalised as reasonableness. Freedom has been recast as compliance with ‘the data’. We surrender willingly, provided the orders come in statistical form.

This is why even Agileโ„ข management and its fetish of ‘velocity’ reek of the same mechanistic faith. Every sprint promises deliverance through quantification; every retrospective is a bureaucratic confession of inefficiency. The cult of metrics is not merely a managerial fad โ€“ it is the metaphysics of our time. The problem is at once ontological and epistemological: we mistake the measure for the thing itself, and in doing so, become measurable.

Itโ€™s a rare pleasure to encounter a fellow dissident of the numerical faith โ€“ a man who sees that the spreadsheet has replaced the sceptre.